Italo-Romance southern dialects show a double complementation system: declarative and epistemic subordinates (the so-called ‘realis’ clauses) are generally headed by an outcome of Lat. QUIA, whereas volitive dependent clauses (the so-called ‘irrealis’ clauses) are headed by a reflex of QUĬD (in the upper southern dialects)/MŎDO and QUŎD (in the extreme southern dialects). According to Rohlfs, this pattern reflects the similar double system of Italo-Greek. As I argue in this paper, extreme southern dialects exhibit a third complementiser, that is the outcome of Lat. QUĬD, attested both in the ‘realis’ domain and the ‘irrealis’ one. Its conservative status can be inferred, among other things, by its usage to introduce relative clauses, where it replaces the anaphoric pronoun specified with the role of the head of the NP, also in those dialects whose ‘realis’ complementiser surfaces as ca < QUIA. Moreover, in the same varieties, it is still preserved in the ‘after-that’ temporal clauses.

Sistemi a triplice complementazione nei dialetti meridionali estremi

Alessandro De Angelis
2021-01-01

Abstract

Italo-Romance southern dialects show a double complementation system: declarative and epistemic subordinates (the so-called ‘realis’ clauses) are generally headed by an outcome of Lat. QUIA, whereas volitive dependent clauses (the so-called ‘irrealis’ clauses) are headed by a reflex of QUĬD (in the upper southern dialects)/MŎDO and QUŎD (in the extreme southern dialects). According to Rohlfs, this pattern reflects the similar double system of Italo-Greek. As I argue in this paper, extreme southern dialects exhibit a third complementiser, that is the outcome of Lat. QUĬD, attested both in the ‘realis’ domain and the ‘irrealis’ one. Its conservative status can be inferred, among other things, by its usage to introduce relative clauses, where it replaces the anaphoric pronoun specified with the role of the head of the NP, also in those dialects whose ‘realis’ complementiser surfaces as ca < QUIA. Moreover, in the same varieties, it is still preserved in the ‘after-that’ temporal clauses.
2021
978-88-5509-355-2
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/11570/3232830
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